Marcuse argues that the distribution of goods in culture, as well as the way we work, has been imposed upon us. For him, repression is not a product of some necessary condition of scarcity; rather, it is a type of organization of scarcity which creates existential attitudes that are forced upon individuals by this type of organization. He is clear to point out that this sort of organization does not distribute goods in accord with individual needs but, instead, through dominations that use violence and schemas of rationality. Keep in mind that Marcuse is a Marxist and as such believes that there is a ruling class that has appropriated the wealth and oppressed a working class. In contrast with the Marxian formula, which attempts to respond to individual abilities and interests, according to Marcuse, the ruling class attempts to hold into place distributive strategies that maintain economic power. Furthermore, these strategies use language to create forms of ideological rationality that coax people into supporting their own domination.
Domination itself is complex and operates both externally and internally whenever these ideologies prescribe needs and wants, values, rationality, and purpose. Once forced externally, individuals internalize them [a process Foucault accounts for in a sophisticated way with his work on the relation between power and knowledge]. More insidiously these internalizing processes can actually come to constitute the personal identity of individuals, thereby turning citizens (both ruling class and working class) into “docile” subjects [Foucault's term]. Thus, for Marcuse, repression accounts for both internal and external forces and processes, conscious and unconscious elements of a theory of mind that restrains and constrains individuals. Along these Marxist lines, domination ultimately starts with the organization of labor, habituating individuals to work in mechanical-like fashion as a part of their submission to social authority. Adjunct to this primary region of domination, is the administration of social life through media, entertainment, advertising, and the production of commodities that feeds right back into the “rational” domination of labor.
Psychologically, when individuals comply with this domination, they must also engage in forms of self deception that overcome the cognitive dissonance involved in domination. Marcuse is keenly interested in the psychological processes that occur–both consciously and unconsciously–as a part of these social processes. With his concept of domination, he joins the separate discourses of psychology and social/political theory as part of his model of liberation. Both discourses together allow him to develop Freud’s anthropology and Marx’s social theory in an integrated way. In short, particular organizations of labor and psychological ideologies create structures and organizations that maintain domination strategies. For Marcuse, these structures create historically-imbedded versions of the reality principle and therefore, different forms of repression. Unfortunately, these forms of domination create types and degrees of repression that go beyond what is necessary for the continuation of the species; it is this additional amount, this “surplus,” in which he is most interested. Examples include patriarchal forms of monogamy [which maximizes capitalist production!] and public control over the private lives of individuals [such boundaries having been dangerously eroded]. This also necessitated desexualization unless it served procreative purposes, thereby limiting unduly restricting the accepted phenomenological field of sexual behaviors in general. In sum, domination creates labor organization, which creates, value/moralities; these, in turn, constitute ideologically-informed individuals and their behaviors. For example, pleasure for the sake of pleasure is taboo and is unacceptable for legitimate citizens. Perversions are only those behaviors that cut against the grain of the logic of mass production.
Furthermore, within this logic, there is an ideologically-formed performance principle. Within a competitive model that is a manifestation of domination, the ruling class perpetuates hierarchical levels of “success” that are underwritten by [not so] hidden acquisitive and antagonistic motivations [Weber's "work ethic"]. The performance principle thus ranks individuals in accordance with their behavioral output as it fits with the historical form of the reality principle. Again, I want to point out that the problem of labor sits in the bottom of the reality principle.
Within this conception of labor being the primary locus of domination, individuals exist in a state of alienation, working at pre-established jobs that serve ideological forms of domination. As such, they do not fulfill their own needs and preferences, instead living with an absence of gratification and a negation of the pleasure principle. Instead of a person’s libido serving himself or herself, it serves only the organizational structure of domination. This restriction of erotic energy coming from alienated labor also exists in all other dimensions of life in which we become passive spectators to the video games, the movies, the Internet drama, advertising, marketing, and all other “hyper-realities” [Baudrillard's words] that have come to constitute ideological “realities” and constituted individuals. As such, Marcuse focuses not just on the Marxian elements [labor, social/political], but the psychological–the devastating effects of alienated labor practices that operate within a reality principle. Because time is also structured outside of the work hour, even “free” time or “leisure” time is already structured from the ground up to coincide with omnipresent ideology. Marcuse believes that we can critically analyze historical forms of surplus repression and develop transformative organizational strategies that abolish them. He also believes that as these underground forces strengthen, they [have and] will trigger counter forces toward more social control, domination, and even totalitarianism. The end result of this is the total destruction of the self-constituting individual [about whom Sartre and Beauvoir write so much about]. This explains why the increased sophistication of technologies has not resulted in the liberation of individuals.
We’ll start taking a look at Marcuse’s proposed ontology and liberating anthropology the next segment.
Kevin Boileau, Ph.D., J.D.
Writing in Seattle, WA
USA